Thursday, March 31, 2011

Why I Accepted Islam - Michael Wolfe (Poet, Author, and the President and Executive Producer of Unity Productions Foundation

(Michael Wolfe will be one of the Speakers at UMA Symposium on Islamophobia on April 17 at Newark, California. Please read his brief biodata below)
After twenty-five years as a writer in America, I wanted something to soften my cynicism.  I was searching for new terms by which to see.  The way one is raised establishes certain needs in this department.  From a pluralist background, I naturally placed great stress on the matters of racism and freedom.  Then, in my early twenties, I had gone to live in Africa for three years.  During this time, which was formative for me, I rubbed shoulders with blacks of many different tribes, with Arabs, Berbers, and even Europeans, who were Muslims.  By and large these people did not share the Western obsession with race as a social category.  In our encounters, being oddly colored, rarely mattered.  I was welcomed first and judged on merit later.  By contrast, Europeans and Americans, including many who are free of racist notions, automatically class people racially.  Muslims classified people by their faith and their actions.  I found this transcendent and refreshing.  Malcolm X saw his nation’s salvation in it.  “America needs to understand Islam,” he wrote, “because this is the one religion that erases from its society the race problem.”

I was looking for an escape route, too, from the isolating terms of a materialistic culture.  I wanted access to a spiritual dimension, but the conventional paths I had known as a boy were closed.  My father had been a Jew; my mother Christian.  Because of my mongrel background, I had a foot in two religious camps.  Both faiths were undoubtedly profound.  Yet the one that emphasizes a chosen people I found insupportable; while the other, based in a mystery, repelled me.  A century before, my maternal great-great-grandmother’s name had been set in stained glass at the high street Church of Christ in Hamilton, Ohio.  By the time I was twenty, this meant nothing to me.

These were the terms my early life provided.  The more I thought about it now, the more I returned to my experiences in Muslim Africa.  After two return trips to Morocco, in 1981 and 1985, I came to feel that Africa, the continent, had little to do with the balanced life I found there.  It was not, that is, a continent I was after, nor an institution, either.  I was looking for a framework I could live with, a vocabulary of spiritual concepts applicable to the life I was living now.  I did not want to “trade in” my culture.  I wanted access to new meanings.

After a mid-Atlantic dinner I went to wash up in the bathroom.  During my absence a quorum of Hasidim lined up to pray outside the door.  By the time I had finished, they were too immersed to notice me.  Emerging from the bathroom, I could barely work the handle.  Stepping into the aisle was out of the question.

I could only stand with my head thrust into the hallway, staring at the congregation’s backs.  Holding palm-size prayer books, they cut an impressive figure, tapping the texts on their breastbones as they divined.  Little by little the movements grew erratic, like a mild, bobbing form of rock and roll.  I watched from the bathroom door until they were finished, then slipped back down the aisle to my seat.
We landed together later that night in Brussels.  Reboarding, I found a discarded Yiddish newspaper on a food tray.  When the plane took off for Morocco, they were gone.
I do not mean to imply here that my life during this period conformed to any grand design.  In the beginning, around 1981, I was driven by curiosity and an appetite for travel.  My favorite place to go, when I had the money, was Morocco.  When I could not travel, there were books.  This fascination brought me into contact with a handful of writers driven to the exotic, authors capable of sentences like this, by Freya Stark:

“The perpetual charm of Arabia is that the traveler finds his level there simply as a human being; the people’s directness, deadly to the sentimental or the pedantic, like the less complicated virtues; and the pleasantness of being liked for oneself might, I think, be added to the five reasons for travel given me by Sayyid Abdulla, the watchmaker; “to leave one’s troubles behind one; to earn a living; to acquire learning; to practice good manners; and to meet honorable men”.

I could not have drawn up a list of demands, but I had a fair idea of what I was after.  The religion I wanted should be to metaphysics as metaphysics is to science.  It would not be confined by a narrow rationalism or traffic in mystery to please its priests.  There would be no priests, no separation between nature and things sacred.  There would be no war with the flesh, if I could help it.  Sex would be natural, not the seat of a curse upon the species.  Finally, I did want a ritual component, daily routine to sharpen the senses and discipline my mind.  Above all, I wanted clarity and freedom.  I did not want to trade away reason simply to be saddled with a dogma.
The more I learned about Islam, the more it appeared to conform to what I was after.

Most of the educated Westerners I knew around this time regarded any strong religious climate with suspicion.  They classified religion as political manipulation, or they dismissed it as a medieval concept, projecting upon it notions from their European past.

It was not hard to find a source for their opinions.  A thousand years of Western history had left us plenty of fine reasons to regret a path that led through so much ignorance and slaughter.  From the Children’s Crusade and the Inquisition to the transmogrified faiths of nazism and communism during our century, whole countries have been exhausted by belief.  Nietzsche’s fear, that the modern nation-state would become a substitute religion, has proved tragically accurate.  Our century, it seemed to me, was ending in an age beyond belief, which believers inhabited as much as agnostics.

Regardless of church affiliation, secular humanism is the air westerners breathe, the lens we gaze through.  Like any world view, this outlook is pervasive and transparent.  It forms the basis of our broad identification with democracy and with the pursuit of freedom in all its countless and beguiling forms.  Immersed in our shared preoccupations, one may easily forget that other ways of life exist on the same planet.

At the time of my trip, for instance, 650 million Muslims with a majority representation in forty-four countries adhered to the formal teachings of Islam.  In addition, about 400 million more were living as minorities in Europe, Asia and the Americas.  Assisted by postcolonial economics, Islam has become in a matter of thirty years a major faith in Western Europe.  Of the world’s great religions, Islam alone was adding to its fold.

My politicized friends were dismayed by my new interest.  They all but universally confused Islam with the machinations of half a dozen middle eastern tyrants.  The books they read, the new broadcasts they viewed depicted the faith as a set of political functions.  Almost nothing was said of its spiritual practice.  I liked to quote Mae West to them: “Anytime you take religion for a joke, the laugh’s on you.”

Historically, a Muslim sees Islam as the final, matured expression of an original religion reaching back to Adam.  It is as resolutely monotheistic as Judaism, whose major Prophets Islam reveres as links in a progressive chain, culminating in Jesus and Muhammad, may God praise them.  Essentially a message of renewal, Islam has done its part on the world stage to return the forgotten taste of life’s lost sweetness to millions of people.  Its book, the Quran, caused Goethe to remark, “You see, this teaching never fails; with all our systems, we cannot go, and generally speaking no man can go, further.

Traditional Islam is expressed through the practice of five pillars.  Declaring one’s faith, prayer, charity, and fasting are activities pursued repeatedly throughout one’s life.  Conditions permitting, each Muslim is additionally charged with undertaking a pilgrimage to Mecca once in a lifetime.  The Arabic term for this fifth rite is Hajj.  Scholars relate the word to the concept of ‘qasd’, “aspiration,” and to the notion of men and women as travelers on earth.  In Western religions, pilgrimage is a vestigial tradition, a quaint, folkloric concept commonly reduced to metaphor.  Among Muslims, on the other hand, the Hajj embodies a vital experience for millions of new pilgrims every year.  In spite of the modern content of their lives, it remains an act of obedience, a profession of belief, and the visible expression of a spiritual community.  For a majority of Muslims the Hajj is an ultimate goal, the trip of a lifetime.

As a convert, I felt obliged to go to Makkah.  As an addict to travel I could not imagine a more compelling goal.

The annual, month-long fast of Ramadan precedes the Hajj by about one hundred days.  These two rites form a period of intensified awareness in Muslim society.  I wanted to put this period to use.  I had read about Islam; I [attended] a Mosque near my home in California; I had started a practice.  Now I hoped to deepen what I was learning by submerging myself in a religion where Islam infuses every aspect of existence.

I planned to begin in Morocco, because I knew that country well and because it followed traditional Islam and was fairly stable.  The last place I wanted to start was in a backwater full of uproarious sectarians.  I wanted to paddle the mainstream, the broad, calm water.

Michael Wolfe (born 3 April 1945, United States) is a poet, author, and the President and Executive Producer of Unity Productions Foundation. He is also a frequent lecturer on Islamic issues at universities across the United States including Harvard, Georgetown, Stanford, SUNY Buffalo, and Princeton. He holds a degree in Classics from Wesleyan University.

Losing Our Way - By BOB HERBERT

Published: March 25, 2011

So here we are pouring shiploads of cash into yet another war, this time in Libya, while simultaneously demolishing school budgets, closing libraries, laying off teachers and police officers, and generally letting the bottom fall out of the quality of life here at home.

Welcome to America in the second decade of the 21st century. An army of long-term unemployed workers is spread across the land, the human fallout from the Great Recession and long years of misguided economic policies. Optimism is in short supply. The few jobs now being created too often pay a pittance, not nearly enough to pry open the doors to a middle-class standard of living.
Arthur Miller, echoing the poet Archibald MacLeish, liked to say that the essence of America was its promises. That was a long time ago. Limitless greed, unrestrained corporate power and a ferocious addiction to foreign oil have led us to an era of perpetual war and economic decline. Young people today are staring at a future in which they will be less well off than their elders, a reversal of fortune that should send a shudder through everyone.
The U.S. has not just misplaced its priorities. When the most powerful country ever to inhabit the earth finds it so easy to plunge into the horror of warfare but almost impossible to find adequate work for its people or to properly educate its young, it has lost its way entirely.
Nearly 14 million Americans are jobless and the outlook for many of them is grim. Since there is just one job available for every five individuals looking for work, four of the five are out of luck. Instead of a land of opportunity, the U.S. is increasingly becoming a place of limited expectations. A college professor in Washington told me this week that graduates from his program were finding jobs, but they were not making very much money, certainly not enough to think about raising a family.
There is plenty of economic activity in the U.S., and plenty of wealth. But like greedy children, the folks at the top are seizing virtually all the marbles. Income and wealth inequality in the U.S. have reached stages that would make the third world blush. As the Economic Policy Institute has reported, the richest 10 percent of Americans received an unconscionable 100 percent of the average income growth in the years 2000 to 2007, the most recent extended period of economic expansion.
Americans behave as if this is somehow normal or acceptable. It shouldn’t be, and didn’t used to be. Through much of the post-World War II era, income distribution was far more equitable, with the top 10 percent of families accounting for just a third of average income growth, and the bottom 90 percent receiving two-thirds. That seems like ancient history now.
The current maldistribution of wealth is also scandalous. In 2009, the richest 5 percent claimed 63.5 percent of the nation’s wealth. The overwhelming majority, the bottom 80 percent, collectively held just 12.8 percent.
This inequality, in which an enormous segment of the population struggles while the fortunate few ride the gravy train, is a world-class recipe for social unrest. Downward mobility is an ever-shortening fuse leading to profound consequences.
A stark example of the fundamental unfairness that is now so widespread was in The New York Times on Friday under the headline: “G.E.’s Strategies Let It Avoid Taxes Altogether.” Despite profits of $14.2 billion — $5.1 billion from its operations in the United States — General Electric did not have to pay any U.S. taxes last year.
As The Times’s David Kocieniewski reported, “Its extraordinary success is based on an aggressive strategy that mixes fierce lobbying for tax breaks and innovative accounting that enables it to concentrate its profits offshore.”
G.E. is the nation’s largest corporation. Its chief executive, Jeffrey Immelt, is the leader of President Obama’s Council on Jobs and Competitiveness. You can understand how ordinary workers might look at this cozy corporate-government arrangement and conclude that it is not fully committed to the best interests of working people. 
Overwhelming imbalances in wealth and income inevitably result in enormous imbalances of political power. So the corporations and the very wealthy continue to do well. The employment crisis never gets addressed. The wars never end. And nation-building never gets a foothold here at home.
New ideas and new leadership have seldom been more urgently needed.

This is my last column for The New York Times after an exhilarating, nearly 18-year run. I’m off to write a book and expand my efforts on behalf of working people, the poor and others who are struggling in our society. My thanks to all the readers who have been so kind to me over the years. I can be reached going forward at bobherbert88@gmail.com.

Dark side of giving: The rise of philanthro-capitalism

http://articles.economictimes.indiatimes.com/2011-03-25/news/29188722_1_rwanda-agra-agriculture Dark side of giving: The rise of philanthro-capitalism
Naren Karunakaran, ET Bureau, Mar 25, 2011, 08.16am IST


A few years ago, Paul Kagame, president of Rwanda, had a chance meeting with

Som Pal, former member of the Planning Commission and earlier minister of
state for agriculture, and was bowled over by his sage-like views on
developmental issues. The president promptly invited Som Pal to his blighted
country to suggest policy measures to get out of a developmental quagmire.
Som Pal travelled to Rwanda; he was hosted at the presidential palace and
allocated an entire office during two long stints.

Rwanda was sitting on a food security crisis in spite of having fertile land

and favourable climatic conditions. "A set of policy guidelines and an
action plan were quickly crafted. I held out a promise to Kagame — Rwanda
could be food surplus in a short time," recalls Som Pal.

His plans were, however, rendered futile, as a hostile system overwhelmed

him, even attempting to buy water hand-pumps at $12,500 apiece. "Most
African leaders are only keen on projecting the agony of their people for
international support in dollars," laments Som Pal. "A complete nexus
between institutions, large corporations and narrow, vested interests are at
work." Elements of this trend can be seen in India too.

Since then, Som Pal has had several brushes with Kenya and Zambia too; the

story runs along similar lines. How then would he evaluate the much
celebrated Alliance for a Green Revolution in Africa (AGRA) — an initiative
driven by the Rockefeller Foundation and the Bill & Melinda Gates
Foundation, the oldest and the largest philanthropic repositories,
respectively, in the world? The Gates Foundation alone has committed $264.5
million to AGRA.

"They are using the pitiable condition of the African people to get a

foothold into the continent," explains Som Pal. "Their large philanthropic
resources are being utilised to further the interests of business." In
countries with weak governance mechanisms, like in Africa, it becomes a lot
easier.

Proponents of chemical-free and GMO-free (genetically modified organisms),

sustainable agricultural practices like Som Pal are beginning to feel
uncomfortable about AGRA and a host of big-ticket philanthropic initiatives
across developing countries. As are an increasing number of independent
policy wonks and scientists across the world.

For instance, the Gates Foundation's sheer clout is taking it, intentionally

or unintentionally, to places where policy, business and philanthropy
intersect. There are its business and investment links with large companies
that are driven by the profit motive. There is its growing stranglehold in
the policy-making space across emerging markets, especially in education,
healthcare and agriculture.

The $23.1-million investment by the Gates Foundation in Monsanto, the

world's largest producer of GM seeds, is a small example of a trend.

Civil society organisations see it as vindication of what they had always

suspected: the unstated agenda of pushing GM crops into Africa. In recent
times, though, following strident protests, Bill Gates appears to have
tempered his views on agriculture; he talks about picking the best from
organics and tech-driven agriculture.

The Gates Foundation's insistence that its investments and grants ought to

be seen separately has also attracted considerable flak. The question is
asked: how can it be a 'passive investor' in companies such as Monsanto when
its avowed goal is doing good with philanthropic monies? "Doubts about his
(Bill Gates) larger motives, despite some good outcomes of his charity, are
beginning to cloud my thinking," concedes Mira Shiva, a public health
activist. Two emails sent by ET to the Gates Foundation, on December 29 and
March 22, went unanswered.

In his blog postings and writings, Eric Holt-Gimenez, director of the

US-based Food First: Institute for Food and Development Policy, labels it
'Monsanto in Gates' clothing'.

He describes how AGRA, as a prelude to the introduction of GMOs, is laying

the ground for a conventional breeding programme — labs, experiment
stations, agronomists, extensionists, biologists and farmer seeds. He points
out that about 80% of the Gates Foundation's allocation to Kenya has gone
into biotech research; in 2008, about 30% of its agri-development funds went
into promoting and developing GM seeds.

GRAIN, an international non-profit that supports community-controlled and

biodiversity-based food systems, has been wary of public-private coalitions
like AGRA and the Consultative Group on International Agricultural Research
(CGIAR).

It says their research programmes feed into the growth strategies of

corporations; further, the programmes often adopt elements of business
models of those very companies. Delhi-based Shalini Bhutani, till recently
representing GRAIN, sees a design in the Gates Foundation's announcement of
the Borlaug Institute for South Asia in Bihar, following a recent visit by
Bill Gates. "The involvement of this set of players in the promotion of GM
rice is too well known," she says. AGRA, it is often charged, has been
created with little civil society or farmer engagement. Protests are now
breaking out across the continent. The Kenya Biodiversity Coalition, with a
membership of 65 civil society and farmer organisations, tried to block the
import of a 40,000 tonne consignment of GM maize into the country last year.



Food First is concerned that US agencies, acting in tandem with MNCs, are

gaining muscle by the day. The Casey-Lugar Global Food Security Act - a
legislation that seeks to tie foreign aid to GMOs - is often cited. Or, that
the newly appointed head of USAID is a former Gates Foundation employee.

A set of powerful voices — in business and in philanthropy — are beginning

to talk of a new GM-led green revolution despite the ravages of the previous
green revolution techniques, which were grounded in similar principles, in
India. In the Punjab, Haryana and western UP belt, soils are degraded, and
yields and groundwater levels are plunging, causing deep socio-economic
challenges.

The onslaught continues despite numerous studies indicating that GM crops

are no panacea. A few years ago, the International Assessment of
Agricultural Knowledge, Science and Technology for Development (IAASTD) — a
multi-stakeholder consultation that lasted three years, and involved 900
experts from 110 countries — concluded GM crops are no solution to the
world's food security challenges.

Second Only to the US


Concerns aired by agriculturists are finding an echo in another arena in

which philanthropic capital, in recent years, has catalysed remarkable
progress: healthcare.

It has delivered results in access to medicines, research in neglected and

tropical diseases, development and distribution of vaccines to low-income
countries, maternal, neonatal and child health, and nutrition.

The Gates Foundation and its partners have re-invigorated health issues and

given them a global profile like never before. Since 1994, the foundation
has invested over $13 billion in healthcare alone, representing 60% of its
giving to date.

In public health, other than the US government, there is no donor as

influential as the Gates Foundation. It has emerged as the second largest
donor to the World Health Organisation (WHO). This can be seen both ways:
donor money has infused life into a nearly bankrupt entity, but it is also
causing much consternation.

Effects of the structural changes being pushed by the new interests will be

seen years or decades down the line.

"The very mandate and constitution of the WHO is being undermined," says KM

Gopakumar, legal advisor and senior researcher of the Third World Network in
India.

Speaking to the media in Bangalore this week, Warren Buffett, who has

committed most of his $50 billion wealth to the Gates Foundation, admitted
it takes a long time to see the full results of philanthropic work.

While it is conceded that it would be downright impudent to look a gift

horse in the mouth, the concentration of power in the hands of new
philanthro-capitalists is causing alarm; especially on issues around equity
and social justice, on the accountability of donors and its impact, maybe
unintended, on global institutions and processes.

"The rapid demise of public sector policy-making in key areas of public

health, and the reliance on the Gates family and its staff, is impoverishing
debate over public health priorities," says James Love, director, Knowledge
Economy International (KEI), a US-based not-for-profit that seeks better
outcomes to the management of knowledge resources. It is borne out by
occasional outbursts from people within the system.

Concentration of Power


Some time ago, the head of WHO's malaria research revealed that the

increasing dominance of the Gates Foundation was stifling diversity of views
among scientists and that it could seriously impede the policy-making
function of the world body. He was dismayed by the foundation's
decision-making process: "A closed, internal process.accountable to none
other than itself".

More recently, in January 2011, the Peoples Health Movement, a grassroots

campaign for health for all, wrote to members of the WHO's executive board,
calling attention to a number of issues. This included innovation,
intellectual property rights (IPR), millennium development goals, and also
the future of financing WHO, especially the unhealthy trend of donor money
increasing in proportion to that of contributions from member states.


WHO's recent over-reliance on medicines, diagnostics and other technological

fixes is being criticised. "Allocations to the social determinants of health
have shrunk greatly," says Mira Shiva. "Water, food, sanitation and other
social circumstances have a greater play on the health of the poor." Shiva
has been an ardent proponent for the rational use of medicines.

In contrast, a humungous push on vaccines is underway. The Gates Foundation,

for example, has allocated $10 billion to this field and describes this as
the decade of vaccines. However, the GAVI Alliance, and some of the
mechanisms it has fostered, is now under fire.

One such mechanism is the Advance Market Commitments (AMC), inspired and

supported by the Gates Foundation. The AMC seeks to provide pharma companies
a captive market for 10 years, provided they agree to develop and supply
vaccines to developing countries, in millions of doses, at a deep discount.

The pilot AMC of $1.5 billion, funded by the Gates Foundation and G7

countries, for pneumococcal diseases, which kills almost a million children
annually, pays $3.50 per dose to the companies in the mechanism
(GlaxoSmithKline and Pfizer-Wyeth, among others). Recipient countries make a
small co-payment. However, instead of developing new vaccines, the AMC
brought in vaccines already developed by big pharma, for which costs had
been recovered substantially from sales in western markets.

Donald W Light, a distinguished academic and visiting professor at Stanford

University, was part of the AMC process, but found himself out of it when
his views crossed that of big pharma. Light often dubs it the "advance
procurement commitment" for its overwhelming bias towards big pharma and
profits. "GAVI is basically setting the markets for big pharma," says Leena
Menghaney, campaign co-ordinator (India), Medecins Sans Frontieres (MSF), a
medical humanitarian organisation that won the Nobel Peace Prize in 1999.

The GAVI Alliance is already in a deep funding crisis. It is expected to

scour for $4.1 billion this year, primarily because of action skewed in
favour of big pharma. "Leaders of donor nations and GAVI board members
should sit with the chairman of
Pfizer<http://economictimes.indiatimes.com/pfizer-ltd/stocks/companyid-13274.cms>and
GSK to negotiate a new price near $2," says Light. "In the longer run,
they should negotiate licensing, technology transfer and other ways to
foster price-competition from other low-cost producers."

The suggestion is indeed relevant for the AMC, which disregards the immense

potential of small pharma companies in developing countries to bring cheaper
vaccines to the world. The Pune-based Serum Institute of India participates
in the AMC, but when it requested funding support during its R&D process for
a vaccine, it was turned down. Light is in favour of companies in the Serum
Institute mould.

Institutional Influence


The Gates influence and stranglehold on global institutions and mechanisms

in healthcare are quite evident. It doesn't stop here. Numerous proposals
for a 'Medical R&D Treaty' as a more egalitarian alternative to the existing
one, which links R&D costs to product prices, has been systematically
snuffed out.

The treaty seeks to place global, and country-specific obligations, on
funding medical R&D. Each country is expected to extend support on the basis of its national income. "It's regrettable that the Gates Foundation opposes discussions at the WHO on a possible treaty on medical R&D," says James Love. "An initiative that can create new global sustainability standards, promote access to knowledge, and usher much-needed transparency and ethical norms." At a press conference in New Delhi on Wednesday, Gates said: "I don't know about this treaty. I don't have a position on this."

Interestingly, while large organisations such as the WHO bare a tendency to
capitulate easily to pressure, smaller, newer outfits show more spunk. The Drugs for Neglected Diseases Initiative (DNDi), a product development partnership, which also seeks funds from the Gates Foundation, has clear firewalls in place.

"We limit funds from a single donor to not more than 25% of our total
requirement," says Bernard Pecoul, executive director, DNDi, which is seeking to raise euro 274 million by 2014. The Gates Foundation has committed around $40 million to DNDi. It demanded a board position, but DNDi refused.

But such instances of refusing to bow to big philanthropy are rare. "It's a
crisis of accountability today," says Shiva. "It's no more accountability of corporations or philanthropists alone; the government too has a lot to answer."

Tuesday, March 29, 2011

India may get its 1st foreign Islamic Bank in Bank Asya

NEW DELHI: India may soon get its first foreign Islamic bank with the Reserve Bank of India (RBI) seeking government approval to allow Turkey's Bank Asya to offer Shariah-compliant lending in the country. Shariah, or the Islamic law, bans interest on financing. Bank Asya is keen to start its Indian operations through a representative office in Mumbai. "So far the bank has only sought permission to open a representative office," a finance ministry official said. "We are considering their application."

RBI has requested the government to consider the Turkish bank's application within 45 days. Launched in 1996, Bank Asya aims to develop interest-free banking products, according to its charter. It has 179 branches in Turkey. The current statutory and regulatory framework in India does not allow banks to undertake Islamic banking activities. But the Committee on Financial Sector Reforms, constituted by the Planning Commission, had in a report in 2008 recommended delivery of interest-free finance on a larger scale, including through the banking system. Last year during a visit to Indonesia, the country with the world's largest Muslim population, Prime Minister Manmohan Singh had said that he would ask RBI to look into the demand for establishing Islamic banking in India.

Bank Asya had in 2009 received clearance from Turkey's banking regulator to open a representative office in India. Its proposal has been pending with RBI for over a year. "After the global economic crisis, RBI has been stringent with allowing foreign banks in the country," the finance ministry official said. "As a part of its liberalised policy for foreign banks, it has now granted permission to Bank Asya." Global financial centers, such as Singapore , Hong Kong, Geneva, Zurich and London, have made changes in their regulations to accommodate Islamic finance industry that is now worth about $1 trillion.

The case for Islamic banking got a boost in India last month when the Kerala high court dismissed writ petitions challenging the government sanction for starting a nonbanking finance company by the Kerala State Industrial Development Corporation, based on the Shariah. The petitioners had argued that the government sanction amounted to favouring Islam, and that setting up such a company with co-ownership of the state was antithetical to equal treatment for all religions. But the court said the petitioners could not demonstrate how the sanction had the effect of directly promoting a particular religion. India had committed to the World Trade Organization in 1997 to issue 12 new branch licenses to foreign banks every year, a number it has exceeded almost every year since. The finance ministry has said that there are 18 foreign banks, which are looking to set up their branches or representative offices in the country and their applications are at various stages of progress. At present, there are 32 foreign banks in the country.

http://economictimes.indiatimes.com/news/news-by-industry/banking/finance/banking/india-may-get-its-1st-foreign-islamic-bank-in-bank-asya/articleshow/7804181.cms

Reality of poverty in India, Wages of less than 10 cents per day

Dear All,
 
Please check out this this depressing report showing the reality of poverty in India. Especially, check out the segment after the 15th minute when you will see Muslim interviewees. I hope that we each ask ourselves whether we are doing our part in helping our fellow human beings who are living in such dire poverty.
 
 

Sunday, March 27, 2011

‘It’s God who is king of humanity’

By ARAB NEWS
Published: Mar 22, 2011 22:44 Updated: Mar 22, 2011 22:44

RIYADH: Custodian of the Two Holy Mosques King Abdullah on Tuesday urged all Saudis not to describe him as “Malik Al-Qulub” (king of hearts) and “Malik Al-Insaniya” (king of humanity).

“I request you all not to use these titles. The real king is Allah the Almighty and we are His slaves,” King Abdullah said, while receiving Islamic scholars, ministers, senior officials and tribal leaders at his palace in Riyadh.
The king also told his audience that he was not able to receive them and shake hands with them standing because of his health problems.
“God willing, I will be able to do that after some days or months,” he said.
King Abdullah had earlier banned citizens from kissing his hands or that of any member of the royal family out of reverence, saying it “is something alien to our values and ethics and is refused by free and honest souls.”
Speaking at the occasion, Sheikh Abdul Aziz Al-Asheikh, the Kingdom’s grand mufti, commended the king for announcing a spate of welfare programs worth SR500 billion.
“It gives a message to the whole world that this country is founded on Islam and will stay firm upholding its tenets without deviation,” he said.
“It also shows that the reforms in the Kingdom are according to Islamic teachings. They are neither imported from outside nor dictated by outside forces,” the mufti said. He highlighted the cohesion between the Saudi leadership and people “who cooperate with one another and reject sedition and strife, and stand by the truth.”
Saleh Al-Asheikh, head of the Summary Court, praised the king for taking drastic measures to fight corruption. Fahd Al-Obaikan, who spoke on behalf of the Riyadh people, thanked the king for announcing the social welfare programs. Abdul Kareem Al-Harbi, who spoke for the people of Hail, underscored the unity of Saudis.
Abdul Rahman Al-Jeraisy, chairman of the Riyadh Chamber of Commerce and Industry, as well as representatives of different regions and groups also spoke, praising the king’s efforts for the welfare of Saudis and boosting the Kingdom’s overall development.
© 2010 Arab News

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Action on Libya is “Battle for Oil” Chossudovsky. Is action in Libya a planned conspiracy ?



As feared  experts on Middle  East and African have with out any hesitation have come out in open criticism of what is happening in the name of protecting the innocent civilians or providing support and back up to the fighting people of Libya who are accepted by the west too that the fighting people are armed and are rebels who are opposing the rule of Qaddafi and they are not unarmed and innocnet people like we have seen in Egypt and Tunisia and other parts where the uprising is triggered. This video above is of Chossudovsky on a Canadian TV Channel. Chossudovsky is an expert on effects of globalization in a university in Monterial Canada.  
The object of West is a pre planned, and does not have any bearing from the Egyptian revolution or Tunisian revolution. Even if Egypt had not happened this was on cards and this action would be seen as a deliberate effort by the West the advantage and the timing has been set in such a manner that the world some how is made to accept that this is a fall our or after effects of Egptian uprising.
There is a very deep rooting conspiracy which was in the hatch back to uproot Libyan Leader Col Qaddafi and his autocratic and dictatorial mode of governance and it is true their were issue between the people and the regime but as is projected and world  is made to believe by the western forces.
If we look at the so called rebels who are deserve no sympathy in any  legitimate and  sovereign nation when people take arms and fight the government over night under influence of possible external forces, how can the world be blind and compare the events in Egypt and equal to the events in Libya.
Egypt is peoples movement no one should doubt, and America and few of his allies did not consider it so and initially tried to support Mubarak this is was blunder committed by the diplomacy of Obama who I regarded and protected and defended all through as I thought and believed his is a truth full person who will fight for justice and protect the interest of nations and people and stand for Justice.
But I am surprised to see the Americans acted low in Egypt and the embarrassing faced in Egypt both in public and in media and also in Egypt where America is seen as a nation which used Mubarak as their puppet to equal responsible for the problems of people of Egypt.
As the ponding of Libya continues for the third day, we hear the allied forces have started landing on ground and are trying to consolidate the base physically. This is a trick and a false act, of deception to the world and even to the allies who must be feeling deceived too.
As the rebels them selves were not in favor of any land action or involvement of military forces on ground, this was told in order to give the impression that the rebels are actually are fighting the war for a section of Libyan people but not it is getting clear that the Rebels are front face of the Allied and the American forces and diplomacy who have bigger and more serious and more dangerous designs in store for Libya.
They are violating the international laws and are acting in a nation unilaterally and interfering in the affairs which to this date were internal issue of the Libyans.  And the that bigger design is Battle for War take the control of 3.7 percent of Oil reserves of the World in Libya. belonging to the people of Libya, they have teated cheated the Libyan and the world too.
Oil market has gone in to jitters and America through its pas Sikorsky will manipulate and control it for en massing wealth for a recession and economically unstable West. That is looting some one else money and pride.

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I have never seen the Sabarmati Express, says Godhra 'mastermind'

http://www.ummid.com/news/2011/March/26.03.2011/godhra_mastermind_interview.htm

Saturday March 26, 2011 02:25:33 PM, Abu Zafar , IANS
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Bibi Khatoon from Godhara district, Gujarat, is the mother of the three, who have been acquitted by the court February 21.   »
Godhra (Gujarat): The man who spent eight years in jail on charges of burning the Sabarmati Express in Godhra and killing 59 people has now been declared innocent and walks free. But Saeed Umarji is a bitter man and says he is a social worker who had never even seen the train.

Maulana Hussain Ibrahim Umarji, popularly known as Saeed Umarji, said that the only reason authorities had punished him was because he spoke on behalf of innocent fellow Muslims.

"I have never seen the Sabarmati Express because it passes from Godhra only at night," the 65-year-old Umarji told IANS in an exclusive interview.

Umarji said he was a social worker who was at the forefront of relief efforts when a devastating earthquake ravaged Latur in Maharashtra in 1993 and Kutch in Gujarat in 2001.

"I also ran several relief camps after the Gujarat riots of 2002. A total of 3,500 people took shelter. We also took care of people who got arrested in the Godhra case," said Umarji, who runs educational institutions in the town of Godhra, about 115 km from Gujarat's main city Ahmedabad.

A mob targeted the Sabarmati Express's Coach S6 Feb 27, 2002, near the Godhra station burning to death 59 people, mostly Hindu activists who were returning home from Ayodhya in Uttar Pradesh.

The incident, later dubbed a conspiracy, triggered one of the worst communal riots in Gujarat leaving over 1,000 people, mostly Muslims, dead. Thousands were injured, and thousands of others uprooted from homes.

Umarji was one of the many arrested for the train burning. After eight years in jail, a judge last month acquitted Umarji and many others of the charges.

A graduate from Darul Uloom, Deoband, Umarji is a bitter man today.

"Jail is a graveyard of living people," Umarji said.

"I lost eight years of my precious life. No one can return it now. I and my family were mentally tortured.

"Our ladies normally never stepped out of home. But after my arrest, for several days my wife couldn't stay at home. My sons lived in fear," Umarji told IANS, referring to fears of reprisals from Hindu radicals.

While he was in prison, and with no sign when -- if at all -- he would be released, four of his sons and two daughters got married.

But there was an unusual spin-off because of his stay in the Sabarmati Central Jail at Ahmadabad.

"Before my arrest, I could walk only to the nearby mosque. But I exercised in jail. Now I walk around 10 km daily."

The social worker says he was implicated in a false case because he tried to blame the state government of Narendra Modi for the 2002 violence.

"My biggest sin was that that I gave a memorandum to Prime Minister Atal Bihari Vajpayeei and explained in detail the role of the state machinery during the riots. That was when he visited Godhra.

"I mentioned the problems we (Muslims) faced after the Godhra incident, but they (authorities) wanted us to keep quiet and not to complain."

Later, he was asked to meet Vajpayee at Gandhinagar. "I refused. I didn't want to meet him because it was of no use."

Umarji recalled how police treated him in captivity. One question he was repeatedly asked was why he gave a statement against the Gujarat Police on the human rights situation.

Even as he laments over his fate, Umarji is sympathetic to those who died in the Sabarmati Express.

"I condemn that incident and I express my sympathy to them and their families."

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What does it mean to be a Muslim in India today?


Recently, Shanina K K, a journalist from Kerala, who worked with Tehelka news weekly and now works with Open magazine, received the Chameli Devi Award for being an outstanding woman journalist. While receiving the award she said, “See, I happen to be a Muslim, but I am not a terrorist.” What made her say that and what was she trying to convey or explain? It means, as she explains, “If you belong to the minority community, they will also profile you. It is very difficult to prove that you are not a terrorist. It is equally difficult to prove that you are not a Maoist in our life and times.”
Shahina has personal experience of it, so she must know. As most of us are aware, she has been falsely framed in under sections 506 and 149 of the Indian Penal Code, for ‘intimidating’ witnesses in the Abdul Nasir Madani case. Her only ‘crime’ was that she investigated the case of Kerala PDP leader Abdul Nasir Madani, who is an accused in the infamous Bangalore blasts case, and asked the question, “Why is this man still in Prison?” Madani had already spent 10 years in prison as an under-trail in the Coimbatore blast case of 1997 and who was later acquitted in 2007.
In fact, this writer has also had a similar personal experience, but thankfully, to a lesser degree of threat to his life during a fact finding visit of Giridih Jail in the state of Jharkhand, in July 2008. I was branded a Maoist along with two other friends, and illegally detained for five hours by Giridih Superintendent of Police, Murari Lal Meena who is now being promoted to the rank of DIG, Special Branch of the Jharkhand Police. He had also threatened to put us behind bars in the same prison without any hope of being bailed out for at least a year.
But this is not the story of some Shaina and Mahtab alone. This is a story, very typical of what happens to hundreds of Muslim youngsters who are arrested and tortured by the police with no evidence or on false charges. The testimonies published in two reports that have been released recently by ANHADand Human Rights Watch show what it means to be a Muslim in India today. They are nothing short of spine chilling.
Nisar Ahmed, whose son Saqib Nisar is an accused in the 2008 bomb blast cases and who was arrested by Delhi Police after the infamous ‘encounter’ at Batla House says in HRW’s report, “When I asked my son if he was tortured, he said, ‘They are hardly going to treat me with love. They want to build the case… They used to make us memorize a story of the police version of the case. We were not allowed to sleep until we could recite the police version.”
Another testimony reads, “In August 2010, Mohammed Salman, a 17-year-old held in Delhi’s Tihar Jail in connection with bomb blasts in the capital, appeared in court with his head bandaged. Salman told the judge that two inmates had repeatedly slashed his face with a razor blade earlier that month. He said that the jail authorities “did nothing” to prevent the incident – international law prohibits the incarceration of children under 18 with adults – although he had twice requested transfer because he feared for his safety and when no action was taken against the attackers. He also accused guards of laughing and saying: “He is a terrorist and this is what should happen to him, anyway.”
I also remember Ataur Rahman of Mumbai, in his mid-sixties, whom I met during the people’s tribunal on the ‘Atrocities Committed against Minorities in the Name of Fighting Terrorism’ at Hyderabad in August 2008. At the tribunal he had told us, “My house was raided on July 20, 2006, by the anti-terrorism squad at around 9.30pm… they frisked our house and took three computers unlawfully and whisked me away to an unknown destination. For several days I was kept in illegal custody. I was then formally shown to be arrested on July 27, 2006, and an FIR was lodged against me… Me, my wife, my daughter and daughter-in-law were paraded before my arrested sons. We were abused and foulmouthed at by the police officers continuously. For all these days I was beaten up before my sons, similarly my sons were beaten up in front of me. The women of the family who were called up by the ATS daily were asked to drop their burqah before my arrested sons, and the sons were humiliated in front of the women folk by hurling abuses at them… The third day: I was again taken before my sons, who were handcuffed in the adjoining room. Here one officer… whom I can identify, beat me up and threatened me that the women in my family are outside and they will be stripped naked if I do not remove my clothes before my children and other police officers. Some other arrested accused were also brought there and I was stripped naked…”
There are hundreds of stories like this. Not only that, even if you are a non-Muslim and believe that Muslims have right not to be tortured, illegally detained and unnecessarily harassed, then you are doing a crime! Take the case of Vinod Yadav, a human rights’ activist and friend of mine from Azamgarh. Vinod was very active after the ‘encounter’ at Batla House and declaration of Azamgarh as ‘Nursery of Terror’ by both security agencies and media houses. In October 2008, when a joint fact finding team of PUDR, APCR, Janhastakshep and NCHRO visited Azamgarh and to which I was part of, he played a major role in to carry out the fact finding. But that cost him a lot. Within a week of our visit, he was arrested on a flimsy charge of cheating along with another activist Sarfaraz Alam at Lucknow station as they arrived from Azamgarh. They were taken by the state police to a secret detention centre in Lucknow and severely beaten for two days for participating in rallies against abuse of Muslim suspects in the bombings. Vinod was repeatedly told… ‘you are a Hindu and you are questioning the statements we make about Muslim boys and that is not good… You should not be seen with these Muslim people again, and if you don’t understand this, the future will be bleak for you’.
To be a Muslim in India today is to be encounter-able, to be constantly suspected of being a terrorist, to be illegally detainable and severely tortured, to have the possibility of being killed without being questioned, no matter if one is a believer, agnostic or an atheist. Carrying a Muslim name deserves and qualifies for the above treatment!
(Mahtab Alam is a civil rights activist and independent journalist. He can be reached at activist dot journalist at gmail dot com.)

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What does the future hold for Muslim political parties in India?

26 March, 2011
By Shafey Danish (TimesWireService.Com) 
If you are an average Muslim living in North India (say Delhi, Bihar, Jharkhand, West Bengal or Orissa) you could be forgiven for asking "Are there Muslim political parties?"  After all, you have had to choose between a BJP candidate or a Congress candidate or a regional party candidate mostly. And all you know of Muslim political parties are that they are rumored to exist.

If you are better informed and know that there are indeed Muslim political parties, in fact quite a few of them - then you might ask "What are Muslim political parties?" as in: what are they supposed to do? Who are they supposed to represent? Who are their leaders? And most important of all: what will they do for me? Where ‘me’ stands for you, the common Muslim.

But first what exactly is this thing, a Muslim political party? 

"Muslims are a community with common social and political problems which can be better addressed by a political party whose leadership is in the hands of Muslims," says Qasim Rasul Ilyas, a member of the Jamaat e Islami’s Central Advisory Committee. "Congress and other secular parties do not work for Muslims because they see it as going against their secular character."

That answers the ‘why’ of the issue. But there are other, more complicated questions that bedevil the very idea of a ‘Muslim’ political party. Questions of leadership (does it exist?), viability (Muslims are a majority in very few constituencies), clerical domination (middle class is busy in career planning), lack of education, and of too many divisions within the community itself.

Now, depending on who you talk to, there are many ways of answering these questions.

The scholar will tell you that problems are historical. Since the partition, widely blamed on the Muslim League, Muslims have had a fear of floating their own party, preferring instead to support the Congress. Muslims had the burden of "proving their loyalty." Not only that, with partition, a major portion of Muslim leadership and the active Muslim middle class migrated to Pakistan, leaving the community truncated and largely leaderless. Those of who did remain, trusted in the umbrella nature of the Congress and its secular credentials to protect them.

A member of one of the ‘Muslim’ political parties might point towards the nefarious design to ‘divide’ Muslims - quite literally - through delimitation in different constituencies so that they do not have a majority in any of them. 
Read full article
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Saturday, March 26, 2011

Textracts 0004 - Umar Ibn Abdul Aziz

Textracts
 
0004
 
If you’re talented, be a scholar; if you don’t have such talent, be a student; if you can’t be a learner, love scholars. If that too is not possible, at least don’t hate those who are knowledgeable.
 
Umar II Ibn Abdul Aziz
Reign 98-101AH  / 717-720 CE
Eighth Umayyad ruler
Fifth Khalifah e Rashid
First Mujaddid / Reviver of Islamic Life – First Islamic Century
 
 
Muhammad Tariq Ghazi
 
Truly speaking, the last instruction is the most difficult one to follow in our modern society. If that is difficult to believe, just look around and start assessing opinions of those in your contact. Select ten of them and talk to them about scholars, ask their opinions about them. You will be surprised to discover that quite a few of them will be condemning the ulama.
          It is not the question of one particular maulwi, or character of a particular scholar. The moot point is a societal habit of our times.
Why is it so?
One of the causes of this thankless situation is that a large number of people believe that anyone with the title of maulana, maulvi, sheikh, hazrat, allamah, etc etc, is just an ignorant bumble – of course, as compared to Us, with a capital U. But, ironically, people holding such view are on the side of ignorance, for they do not know what a scholar does and can do or what did they do in the hoary past.
          I had noted one such incident in Blood-Soaked Century, my first lecture on The Sultanate Osmania, while discussing world Muslim society during the thirteenth century following the Mongol devastation. The relevant part is reproduced here:
Everywhere in the east, except India, Muslims were in total disarray and distressed. As a result of frequent defeats at the hand of the Mongols they had lost both leadership and valor. From Central Asia to West Asia every place was comatose and people began waiting for the Day of Judgment, describing the Mongols as the anticipated curse of Gog and Magog.
(Muslims resistance and efforts for rejuvenations began on two fronts) On the first front, mysticism gained ground, especially in the Muslim East: when political power failed to deliver results, the Ulama of Islam took reins of the Ummah in their hands. Sufis and social reformers of the caliber of Farid ad-Din Attar (537-617/1142-1220), Najm ad-Din Kubra (540-617/1145-1220), Muin ad-Din Chishti (535-627/1141-1252), Ibn Arabi (560-637/1165-1240), Shams Tabrez (d.643/1245), Abu al-Hasan Shazili (571-650/1175-1252), Farid ad-Din Ganj-Shakar (571-663/1175-1265), Jalal ad-Din Rumi (604-672/1175-1252), Mahmud Shabistri (687-720/1288-1320) took upon themselves to arrest the decline, boost morale and re-organize an Ummah that had been degenerated into an aimless crowd, by re-generating its self-confidence.
 
Yes. That was the time when Muslim political leadership was completely wiped out from Balkh and Bukhara, Merv and Herat to Baghdad and Damascus, Aleppo and Mosul. At that time this group of people accepted the challenge in its stride as it would always come to help in time of a big crisis. Now, in the nineteenth, twentieth, twenty-first centuries, this same group of people has been demonized. Then who is going to seek their help or advise? This is a very serious situation.
This is what the Mujaddid of the First Century had feared.
How far-sighted was that Man of the Century! Allah o Akbar!
 
 
Ottawa, Canada
Friday 25 March 2011
tariqghazi04@yahoo.ca

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